TO BUILD THE WORKERS' INTERNATIONAL : REFOUND THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL
Athens
Declaration, 8th March 1999
Between
the 6th and 9th of March an International Conference of the Workers and the
Class Struggle Left took place in Athens (Greece) which had been previously
agreed at the international meeting of May of 1998 in Buenos Aires. Its
objective was to advance in a united way to the refoundation of the Fourth
International. Besides the host party, the Workers Revolutionary Party of
Greece, delegations participated from Partido Obrero (Argentina), Causa
Operaria (Brazil), the Trotskyist Opposition (Bolivia), the Trostkyist League
(United States), the
Revolutionary Marxist Association/Proposta (Italy), the Colectivo En Defensa
del Marxismo (Spain), the
sections of the International Trotskyist Opposition in Great Britain and India
and the Marxist Workers League (Turkey). Observing were delegates from Voix de
Travailleurs (Workers Voice, France), the Greek Section of the CWI (Committee
for an Worker International), Valter Pomar (Vice-President of the PT from
Brazil) and organizations of the Greek left such as NAR, a split from the
Greek CP. Greetings were sent from the Partido de los Trabajadores (Uruguay)
and the Comité Constructor de un Partido Obrero (Chile).
The events of the last year have confirmed, beyond any doubt, the
historical character, that is to say, neither conjunctural nor cyclical, of
the current world capitalist crisis. Overcoming all the geographical
barriers--from south east Asia to Japan, from Russia to Brazil and the whole
Latin American southern cone--the reality of the crisis is imposed as an
immediate fact on all countries and all social classes, which allows us to
characterize it as the most profound, extensive and durable that capitalism
has known in all its history. All the theories about the "local"
character of the diverse crises have been swept away by events. But there have
also been those who see the crisis as a product of the errors of the wizards
of political economy, and not as a manifestation of the whole of the
contradictions of capital and of its historical tendency towards
self-destruction.
That there is a crisis of overproduction and of overinvestment, when
the levels of misery and of pauperisation, prior to the crisis, have been
extended to the world, demonstrates that we are faced with a great crisis of
society, that is to say, a universal one. In a historical period in which
social needs increase, world
capital enters into a phase of sharp bankruptcy. While the masses of the world
live in drought, world capital lives in flood. This irrationality of the
system as a whole is naturally perceived by the different social classes.
Confirmation
of a Perspective
Gathered together nine months ago in Buenos Aires, the organizations
and parties convoked by this conference, already warned: what are termed
"Asian peculiarities"--the extreme fusion between bank and
industrial capital; the deep interpenetration between private capital and the
state--is the most general tendency that world capitalism is undergoing
through coalitions, acquisitions and restructurings. In fact for this reason,
the Asian crisis could only be characterized as a concentrated expression of
the crisis of the world capitalist system.
"The contradiction
between the international development which the productive forces have reached
and and the national character of capitals, currencies and states is at the
root of the current crisis, which thus reveals its world character, not from
"models or "politics", but from the capitalist social
regime."
Failure
of Capitalist 'Globalisation'
The so-called "globalisation" that aspired, through the
complete liberation of movements of capital, to nothing less than the world
harmonisation of the conditions of capitalist exploitation, ended up by
generating monstrous economic disequilibria and an unprecedented economic
fragility, to the point that its own beneficiaries (Soros!) now call for
regulation and for politics of the
Keynesian type, at a moment in which the same crisis has undermined the basis
for this type of outcome. Globalisation sought to overcome a regime that was
characterized by the subordination of all the national currencies to the
dollar on a scale never seen before, that is to say, by the subjection of the
monetary regimes of each country to the politics of the Federal Reserve of
United States. This regime fomented the great period of international
speculation, permitting, from the point of view of monetary politics, the
ascents of the stock exchanges, the foreign debts, the gigantic wave of
investments financed with credits. The subordination to the dollar gave a
relative international guarantee to speculation in the various national
currencies. But so that this works appropriately, this currency that functions
as a guarantee of value of international circulation has to be a really
international currency. But the dollar is, above all, the currency of the
United States of North America; it is a weapon of the North American
bourgeoisie in the struggle and the concurrences with the capitals of the
other countries. It is not a universal currency.
This contradiction broke the Asian process because the currencies of
these countries were tied financially to the dollar, but their trade is tied
up with Japan. The Asian devaluations were the first manifestation of an
international rupture of the national currencies with the dollar, of a threat
to the decline of the dollar as a currency that acts as the face of
international fianancing, through the competetion of the countries which
devalue their currencies. The speculation, instead of valorising capitals,
demolishes the stock exchanges, demolishes capitals, produces a withdrawal of
speculative capital, a withdrawal of money
from world circulation and, as a consequence of this, develops a world crisis.
Capitalism could not give itself that universality to which it
fictitiously pretends.Capital continues being a form of appropriation of
private and national wealth. It is neither collective nor international.
The most serious consequences of this phenomenon are going to manifest
themselves in the USA, which has made use of the fact that the dollar is an
international currency in order to subsidize all its industries and pay the
deficit of the current account with the issue of money and the creation of a
gigantic international debt in dollars. We witness a crisis of international
consequences because it has not been manufactured in Asia, but rather is the
consequence of a long development that dates from the Second World War.
The
Myth of the "End of Socialism"
This failure includes the attempt to exit from the crisis through the
imperialist recolonisation of the old bureaucratized workers' states. In 1990,
as a consequence of the fall of the Berlin Wall, Western Germany absorbed
Eastern Germany and world capitalism solved the most important political
crisis of the post war period to the benefit of itself. Because this was so,
this solution was the economic basis of the speculative expansion of the last
decade.
The colonization of Russia, of China and of Eastern Europe, countries
that had escaped the control of the world capitalist economy as a consequence
of the revolutionary processes was presented to capitalism. The Russian
market, in principle, should solve the capitalist crisis of overinvestment. In
the face of the dimensions of the
market to be supplied, this could give a new lease of life to capitalism and
the same could be said, on a much greater scale, of the Chinese market.
The so-called "globalisation" was in fact a lengthy attempt
to counteract the tendency of the devaluation of capitals, for which an
intense campaign of opening up of markets
by means of the privatizations was launched and the demolition of the
protectionism of the "emerging countries". But the central piece of
this politics was the penetration on a grand scale in China and the
former-USSR. The perspective of reaching these objectives fed the stock market
valorisation of capitals,
especially in New York. For those
who maintain that capitalism has a means of exit, it is necessary to remind
them that "globalisation" has in fact been an attempt to exit; this
means of "exit", the world crisis, has not been progressing in a
linear form, but in leaps, that is to say, [giving way to? doblegando] the
different attempts of capitalism to overcome them and open a period of
sustained expansion of capital. The Russian debacle and the widespread crisis
that begins to take place in China has made this perspective a failure.
Like a boomerang, in terms of being a way out for capitalism, Russia
and China have become a supplementary and decisive factor of its crisis. This
is because their reincorporation into the world market and the full
reintroduction of mercantile relationships could only be carried out with
capitalist methods that imply the destruction of productive forces, mass
pauperisation and the reproduction on an enlarged scale of all their
contradictions. This theoretical analysis was confirmed with the Russian
crisis of August, which unleashed a period of recession in numerous countries
that had been less affected by the Asian crisis, especially in Eastern Europe
and in South America.
The prices of the primary products are collapsing, which contributed,
for the first time in the post war pereiod, to the fact that world trade
declined by 2% in terms of value in 1998. More than half of the nations are in
recession. First in August, as a consequence of the Russian crisis; then in
October soon after the crash of the LTCM; later in December and finally in
January, the world crisis has begun to show itself fully in Brazil, on whose
market large North American capitals depend. The devaluation of the Real took
place in spite of a "preventative" package of the IMF, of 41,000
million dollars. While the Russian crisis put at risk of devaluation and
bankruptcy borrowed capitals and securities (insurance? seguros) or derivative
contracts of the order of the 300,000 million dollars, the Brazilian crisis
threatens values of about a trillion and half dollars if only the Mercosur
bloc is considered.
Connected with this, the perspective of the collapse of China is posed
in the short term and the accentuation of the crisis in Japan, which is going
through a more important economic depression, in terms of duration, than that
of the 1930s. The former Soviet nations and China, instead of operating to
attenuate the capitalist crisis, by means of the absorption of merchandises
and capitals, as occurred after the fall of the stock exchanges in October of
1987, is driving it forward.
Financial
Crisis and Capitalist crisis
In order to counteract the crisis, the armed economic blocs of
capitalism do not resist this same
development. The 'brasileña' crisis caused the spectacular devaluation of the
Real, faced by a capital flight of more than 60,000 million dollars and,
simultaneously, the complete "dollarisation" of the Argentinean
economy, exploding Mercosur and its perspective of a "single South
American currency", in the image of the celebrated euro. All the
capitalist plans did not resist the impetuous development of their parasitic
and contradictory tendencies.
The development of the so-called financial sector obeys the necessity
of capitalism of overcoming its basic contradiction which reproduces itself
unceasingly. It is against productive capital like a Siamese brother to
another... The development of the system of credit and banks, the societies
for actions and the markets of values, the splitting of capital into
productive and financial, the centralization of capitals and the system of
public debt, the appearance of fictitious
capital, all this obeys the necessity of capital in its totality overcoming
the limits that are against its indefinite reproduction. Those limits are, on
the one hand, the relatively limited personal consumption of the masses in the
face of a growing productive capacity; on the other hand, the restriction that
represents production for private profit in the face of the constant
revolution in technique and the procedures of production (the tendency of the
decline of the rate of profit and the extinction of the law of
value). In sum, "the limit of the capital is the same
capital."
The financial development facilitates the passage of the capital of a
branch of overextended or non-profitable production to another in development
that offers greater benefits; it mobilizes those capitals with greater speed,
it helps within its own limits to overcome the contradiction between the
creation and the destruction of capitals (absorptions); it extends the limits
of consumption beyond the wages that it pays to the working population; it
unfolds an accumulation of the same (fictitious)
capital that acts as much as a credit of a special kind for production
as for consumption. This development (parasitic, because it does not create
value) acts as a counterveiling factor to the capitalist crisis until it
becomes the main factor of its explosion. This happens when the
overaccumulation of capital, which does not assume a directly productive form,
and which has been overaccumulated in order to counteract the limits imposed
by the overaccumulation of productive capital, reaches proportions
incompatible with the total (gross?) value added such that this last could
uproot the workforce.
The crisis is developed in a combined and unequal manner. It is more
intense in Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America than in the
imperialist countries, in which it has a variable intensity. This leads some
to see the crisis as local and others to think that it is neutralisable. In
fact, this unequal development of the crisis deepens it. The imperialist
attempt to get rid of the crisis aggravates the conditions in the
semi-colonies, in the workers' states and in the former workers' states and
intensifies interimperialist competition: the crisis that they push away from
themselves returns to them.
The combined character of the crisis expresses itself also in the
economic fall of Japan and in the beginning of a fall in Western Europe . This
character will also be expressed shortly in a fall in the United States. The
center of the imperialist system is also the center of the crisis. For the
time being, the United States manifests an apparent immunity in the face of
the crisis. But as the storm intensifies, partly as a result of the attempt to
avoid it also includes the US. At the moment, the crisis is mainly economic
and social, but the revolutionary risings in Albania and Indonesia show, in a
limited way, its positive potential for the future, as well as the wars in
Bosnia and Kosovo shows its negative potential.
The
Character of the Crisis
Overinvestment is an economic tendency of capital, not a countable
measure of national accounts. It
could be financed from the exterior and create a foreign debt or it could be
financed internally and create an internal debt. The financial economy has had
an enormous expansion, as demonstrated by
the stratespheric rates that the main stock exchanges have reached, the
colossal increases in the public debt, the rise of the investment funds,
especially those of pensions; the derivative credits market, whose contracts
are considered globally to be more than 40 billions of dollars.
The growing development of the contradiction between the rapid
accumulation of financial capital in respect to productive; between this and
the lesser rate of average production; between this and the lesser consumption
of the masses; between the geometric progression of
financial rent and the retarded productive profit; between all this and
capitalist profitability as a whole (not only the average profitability but
also that of the monopolies); the more and more intense aggravation of these
contradictions as a whole, all this characterises the current crisis and the
historical stage of capitalist decomposition. The tendency to an absolute
paupersiation of the masses, that was unknown in the crisis of the 1930s and
the War, is a most fundamental manifestation of the extraordinary difficulties
that the process of reproduction of capitalism suffers and it constitutes a
concrete experience for the current generation of the masses in relation to
the historical destiny of capitalism. The current idle capacity of
world industry is the greatest since 1930, which is a sure index of the
blockade of the productive forces and of the maturity of the contradiction
between these and the capitalist relationships of production. The massive
destruction of industries that has accompanied capitalist restoration in the
former-USSR, in most of Eastern
Europe, and now in China, is nothing but a brutal manifestation of the
enormity of the surplus of capital accumulated in relation to its
possibilities of profits and of realization; the "peaceful"
centralization of capitals that takes place in the world market assumes
violent and overbearing characteristics when it is operated in the territories
of the former workers' states. It is
not that we are faced by a confiscation of a capitalist by another in the
framework of market relationships
and the law of the value, but of the confiscation of property by the
capitalists which had been confiscated by the revolution in the framework of
what was a planned economy. The mechanics of the current crisis begins to the
reveal the antagonistic social character of the regime of the former workers'
states and the world capitalist regime. The looting that produces capitalist
restoration assumes, then, the form of a historical contradiction and shows
the extension and the depth of the world crisis.
Economic
Crisis and Political Crisis
Politics is concentrated econonics, but the relationship between the
one and the other is not mechanical. The democratist strategy, certainly, has
yielded enormous benefits to North American imperialism. It allowed it to
present a face to the revolutionary crises posed by the collapse of the
bureaucratic regimes of Eastern Europe and Russia. It is the vehicle for a
vast economic imperialist penetration in the former-workers' states, in
particular in those of Eastern Europe and in China. The democratist politics
is the battering ram with which imperialism seeks to demolish the Cuban regime
and the one that allowed it to bury the revolutionary situations in central
America, in South Africa.
Even in Europe, the
democratist politics has played its role as it approves the "peace
agreements" which have sunk the Irish national struggle. In Latin
America, the democratist cycle is that of the political, economic and
financial penetration of imperialism--and of the liquidation of the social
conquests of the masses--the most profound in living memory. The economic
monoplisation of the continent and the political subordination of its regimes
to North American imperialism do not have precedents.
The USA adopted the democratist politics, also, because of its own
internal contradictions. The North American bourgeoisie went ahead with a wild
reduction of the working wage and of the social conquests of the workers in
the framework of Reaganism.
Having exhausted the cycle, it still puts forward the call for a "second
generation of reforms": the privatization of the health systems, of
education and of pensions and the destruction of social security. In the face
of these tasks, the Clinton attacks--with an "egalitarian"
phraseology and with the backing of the trades union bureaucracy is vastly
more effective for the bourgeoisie than the religious and republican right.
The democratist politics, the democratic deceit, still has viability
because the leaderships of the organizations of the masses--the trades union
bureaucracy, social democracy, the reconverted ex-Stalinists, the democratist
left--is integrated in the politics of "democratic" imperialism. In
the face of the lack of political independence of the proletariat, the growing
social polarization is not translated into a political polarization on the
axes of class. In this framework the ascent of workers struggles that are
manifesting themselves in Asia and, in a less marked form, in Latin America,
Europe and USA, is an additional reason why the bourgeoisie avoids the "extreme
way out". The trades union bureaucracy and the democratist parties of the
left have been revealed as infinitely more effective than the right in
retarding, and leading to defeat, the struggles of the exploited.
It is certain, on the other hand, that the Asian crisis caused the
collapse of the Suharto dictatorship and the debut of the revolution in
Indonesia; it is also a fact that the Eastern European crisis (the "financial
pyrimids") was the cause of
the Albanian revolution; it is also true that the economic crisis has
accentuated, by dozens of thousands, the workers strikes and the rural risings
in China; it is equally sure that the so-called "samba effect"
caused the occupation of car factories in Brazil, the blocking of roads and
the temporary retreat of the imperialist employers in the maintenance of the
massive sackings that had already been put into practice. In Argentina from
the commencement of the decline of the "Cavallo Plan", the
Santiaguenazo, the Cutralcazo and the Jujenazo have been produced; The Menem
and Peronist government are strongly divided and there is a constant, although
irregular, politcal radicalisation; which could negate the enormous miners
strike in Romania, which was unleashed in response to the IMF agreement;
without forgetting the importance of the movement of the French masses, since
1985; nor the extraordinary development of the Colombian guerrilla movement,
very close to the United States, on the one hand, and to Cuba, on the other,
and whose progress has gone in parallel to the economic crisis; in Russia
struggles of resistance are developing from the workers; even in the United
States the trades union ebb tide is a thing of the past, as is demonstrated by
the strikes at UPS, General Motors, the defence of the sacked workers at
Caterpillar, the barrage of strikes of airline pilots. The "experts"
attribute this trades union renaissance to low North American unemployment,
but what motivates the workers is the fall of the wages, the enormous labour
flexibility, the precariousness of employment,
in sum, the attacks which the capitalists are obliged to mount in order to
overcome the economic crisis.
An inversion of the tendency of popular international struggles exists
in relation to the decade of 1985/1994.
Crisis
and "Centre-Left"
The combination of the economic wounds with the insurgency of the
masses leads the bourgeoisie to important political changes, in which under
the form of governments of the "centre-left", in a rightest form,
the formulae of class collaboration typical of the popular fronts are renewed.
As a whole, the center-leftist governments of class collaboration accede to
government when, from ever more wide capitalist circles, "regulation"
of the movements of capitals is demanded in order to safeguard the same;
public measures in the face of unemployment; organized exchange bands between
the main currencies: establishment of regional banks as a counterweight to the
IMF. And these demands not only have to be seen with the crisis in its
economic aspect but more especially with its 'social' aspect, that is to say,
with the tendency of the masses to respond again with struggles, be it the
workers and peasants or the students. Although the movements of greatest scale
have been the mobilizations of the miners of the Ruhr, at the beginning of
1997, and the strikes of public sector workers, truck drivers and bus drivers
in France, on repeated occasions; also there have been combined movements on
the scale of Europe and, in the case of Belgium, a gigantic mobilization of
masses, that still continues to be organized against the corruption and the
official paedophilia. The neoliberal governments or conservatives were removed
because they had been constituted in an element of uncertainty of the
political situation. The centre-left governments are literally obliged to try
to modify the conditions and the politics that their predecessors transformed
from factors of stability into factors of interference, on pain of ending up
in the same way, but with the added difficulty of having drained the
"moderate" solutions. What converted the conservative governments
into factors of "disorder" was the exhaustion of their neoliberal
politics, the deepening of the world crisis and their inability to contain the
masses which reacted to the crisis.
World
Political Crisis
The irreversible collapse of Stalinism in 1989/ 91, the obvious failure
of neoliberalism of the right and the impossibility of returning to reforms of
the traditional social democratic type led to the emergence of the so-called
new "centre-left". The capitalist governments try to negotiate the
crisis against the workers, to the benefit of big capital.
In Europe, most of the countries are led by this type of government,
which not only do not introduce reforms and concessions but rather are
responsible for attacks against the past conquests of the European working
class and counterreforms.
The conflict between the social needs of the masses and the politics of
the governments of the center-left become a source of political tension and
uncertainty in Italy, France, Germany and
Greece.
The imperialist European Union, in order to face the world crisis and
the competition from America, especially with the introduction of the
euro and the transition towards monetary union, has to destroy the "rigidities
and resistances in the labour markets" in order to introduce its
"deregulation", on the road taken previously in the Anglo-Saxon
countries, and try to overcome the inequalities and conflicts between the
different levels and national interests.
The transformation of the initial euphoria over the euro into its own
crisis is due not only to recurrent factors but to structural ones. In spite
of all its proclamations, Europe remains deeply divided along national lines.
The European Central Bank could not work like the Federal Reserve of the USA;
also the divisions between the central bankers, the national governments and
between the leading circles of each individual country, impedes Europe from
economically threatening North American hegemony, as well as politically and
militarily. The European fiasco in the Balkans, from Dayton to Rambouillet,
demonstrates it graphically.
For
the United States Socialists of Europe
In the face of the impact of the world crisis after 1997,
imperialist Europe has to accelerate its social "restructuring",
destroying all the previous forms of regulation of the antagonisms of
capital with labour. The coalitions of the bourgeois center-left are
promoted in order to do the dirty work that the parties of the bourgeois
traditional right are unable to carry out.
But these recent political formations, which arose as a product of the
crisis, enter in turn into crisis.
In this situation, the LO/LCR electoral agreement for a common list in
the European elections of 1999, was
able to be, and had to be, a call to struggle against the European bourgeoisie,
their political leaders and the counterrevolutionary social measures, showing
a socialist road out of the crisis based on a transitional programme.
But what has happened in fact is that they have failed to do this. In
no place does the perspective of socialism appear, not even the word, neither
is the most vital slogan of all posed, the United States Socialists of Europe,
of the East and of the West.
The question is: do we have the struggle for a "democratic Europe",
or for the Socialist States of Europe? Do we have the confiscation of capital,
the expropriation of the expropriators, or do we call only for "restricting"
the movement of free capitals and their "speculative" benefits?
Between these two alternatives there is no compromise. The destiny of
the next social confrontations in Europe are linked to this.
A true revolutionary intervention in the European elections should
begin with independence of the eventual slogan of a vote to the reformist and
centrist parties, of the elaboration and postulation of a true revolutionary
platform, without any concession to the "European" party of the
bourgeoisie, and expounding, in the first place, the struggle against the
reactionary national states and governments to which the "European
construction" seeks to serve as a screen against the masses. This should
be the starting point for a programme of transitional demands that concludes
with measures to exproriate capital and the independent government of the
workers.
For
the World Unity of the Exploited: for the Fourth International
In Latin America the tendency exists to respond to the gigantic process
of economic expropriation and political alienation through the
anti-imperialist political unity of the continent. The resurgence of
the struggle for land, especially in Brazil, Bolivia, Mexico and Ecuador, the
struggles of the unemployed, the occupations of factories in diverse countries,
expound the road in which this unity could concretise itself in the
framewwork of the current crisis. The fight for a workers and peasants
conference of Mercosur, expounded already in meetings promoted in the
framework of the Conference of the Workers and the Left, should be developed
as a point of decisive support in order to develop the independence of class
and the alliance of workers and peasants, conditions of a deep
anti-imperialist struggle and of (sustained courage? largo aliento).
The perspective of the
Socialist United States of Latin America arises again as the strategic weapon
in order to break the historical base of North American imperialism,
constituting an essential aspect of the anticapitalist struggle on a world
scale.
The lash of unemployment
has world scope and unifies all the tendencies of capitalist decomposition in
the current phase.
The struggle for employment has, for that reason, a world and
immediately objective character, being the decisive lever in order to unify
the working class of each country and on an international scale.
The politics of a 35 hour working week, expounded, especially, by the
European centre-left, is revealed each day more as a lure in order to divert
the struggles and introduce the wage cuts, temporary work, that does not pay
for extra hours and labour flexibility. Against this politics, against the
sackings and against the complicity of the trades union bureaucracies, the
watchword of "work for all" should be expounded, distributing the
existing working hours between all the capable workers, without loss of salary.
This objectively expounds the workers' control of
production and the international unity of the workers: an International
Conference against unemployment and in defense of the workers should be the
objective of all consistent workers' leaders and should be expounded as the
specific objective of a world campaign.
In the framework of these and other struggles, the question of the
international political unity of the workers is posed as the specific
objective for all the organizations that struggle.
The objective of the
Workers' International should be consciously and consistently defended,
through the elaboration of a transitional programme and the construction of an
organization. It is not a matter of trying to build a new international
tendency of the enlightened that
defends their particular truths and is devoted to an endless settling
of accounts with their real or imaginary opponents, but of the construction of
the necessary instrument for the world victory of the working class and all
the exploited.
This International could only be built as the continuity of the world
struggle of the workers, and of the assimilation of all their theoretical and
programmatic conquests and concretised in the work of their best thinkers and
militants (beginning with Marx) and in the programmes of their Internationals,
up to and including their most recent and current expression in the programme
and the method of the Fourth International. The consistent struggle for all
the immediate objectives of the exploited only has perspective, therefore, if
it takes one conscious and politically organized form through the immediate
refoundation of the Fourth International.
Athens,
8 of March of 1999.