resolution
on bolivia
The
1st World Congress of the Committee for the Refoundation of the Fourth
International denounces that the Bolivian bourgeoisie has refloated chauvinist
agitation on the question of a way out to the sea, as an attempt to deviate the
tendency of the masses towards a new rebellion. We point to the fact that
Bolivia's backwardness and misery are not consequences of its being shut in on
the continent but is rather due to imperialist pillaging, with the complicity of
the Bolivian bourgeoisie itself. We denounce that for the Bolivian exploiters,
the demand for a way out to the sea is linked to the exploitation of gas, that
is, to a new national surrender in exchange for juicy "commissions."
We
characterize as reactionary wars between oppressed nations, in the face of which
we call for fraternization, for the unity and combined combat of the peoples
against the local bourgeoisies and imperialism.
In
the face of the Bolivian bourgeoisie's chauvinist campaign, the political crisis
and the still open perspective of a new people's uprising, we raise the
following: Out with Mesa; state-ownership without compensation and under workers
control of the oil and gas industries, of mining and the banks; unity of the
peoples of Bolivia, Chile and all of Latin America against imperialism and the
local bourgeoisies. The progressive resolution of Bolivia's maritime demands, in
favor of the interests of the exploited peoples of Bolivia and Latin America,
can only take place in the framework of the socialist unity of Latin America.
The workers and peasants governments of Bolivia, Chile and Peru will establish a
common plan for the exploitation of sea resources and the wealth of the region
for the benefit of the economic, social and cultural development of all the
peoples.
The
balance sheet of the Bolivian revolution of October poses the ineludible
conclusion for the workers and youth vanguard, that of the impossible to
postpone task is that of the construction of the revolutionary party of the
working class. The center-left and democratizing leaders of the masses
safeguarded bourgeois power, endorsing the constitutional coup that handed power
over to Mesa. We denounce the counterrevolutionary role of the Latin American
center-left headed by the governments of Lula and Kirchner, with the
participation of the MAS of Evo Morales.
The
overthrow of a government (people's insurrection) is inconceivable without the
organization of that overthrow. If, on the contrary, this is not the case, the
most that can occur is for other members of the established power to replace it,
as occurred in October.
The
taking of power is a concrete task, it is not the derived, automatic or
spontaneous result of other tasks. The workers uprising must aid the troops in
carrying out the destabilization of the armed forces. A people that undergoes
enormous sacrifices and takes the struggle to the ultimate consequences runs the
risk of suffering a huge defeat if it is not capable of bringing about the
conclusion of the struggle, the defeat of the enemy. The organization for the
taking of power is an art and a technique, it has rules, requires discipline,
requires preparatory work. The organized activity for the taking of power is the
culminating moment of the mass rebellion, it requires a political party of the
working class that has gained authority in the workers vanguard and among the
exploited on the basis of its previous revolutionary intervention. The final aim
of the revolutionary party is the struggle for the conquest of political power.
The
structuring of dual power does not resolve the question of the taking of power,
it exacerbates it. Dual power is not a strategic objective; that is the workers
and peasants government. The development of dual power has been, in
revolutionary history, the most frequent variation, but is not an absolute law
of that development. The limits of dual power and those historically pertaining
to all the organizations of the people, can only be overcome by a program and a
party, that is, by consciously political organization.
The
demand of the COB for the dissolution of parliament and for it to be replaced by
a Popular Assembly does not pose the taking of power. On the contrary, it is a
proposal for co-power together with the pro-imperialist democratizing regime (since
it does not pose the overthrow of the government), in which the Popular Assembly
would be reduced to "controlling" the Executive, would have as its
mission that of "political commissar" of the bourgeois government. The
COB's proposal for "co-power" reproduces, in a deteriorated form, the
experience of the Popular Assembly of 1971, for whose majority --nationalist and
democratizing-- it had to co-govern with General Torres and convert the Assembly
into the parliament which the latter lacked. In contrast to the COB's proposal,
the Popular Assembly of 1971 posed a workers and peasants government, although
only formally. After Banzer's military coup, its exponents recognized that the
arming of the people had not been carried out --something they had never
attempted.
The
slogan of "participative democracy," of which the COB's proposal is a
variation, aims for the integration of the masses into the capitalist State and
to abort the conquest of power by the working class. The strategic objective is
the workers and peasants government, that is, the dictatorship of the
proletariat.
If
the leaders of the COB and the peasant unions actually convenes the Popular
Assembly, as a parallel power to the capitalist government, we will denounce all
the attempts at institutionalizing a totally impotent "co-power," and
we would put forward that the Popular Assembly should expel the capitalists and
assume all power, linking this demand to the arming of the people and all the
demands of the masses.
The
crisis of power
The
construction of the workers party is intimately linked to the intervention in
the crisis of power, raising slogans transitional to the workers and peasants
government, adapted to the evolution of the consciousness of the masses. To the
extent that democratic illusions persist, it is obligatory to take them into
account upon adopting slogans for the taking of power.
The
agitation of the "danger of a coup" by the MAS, exploiting the
democratic illusions of the masses, is in the service of defending its joining
Mesa's government, which they intend to sustain until 2007. To leave power in
the hands of Mesa is to maintain Gonism without Goni, and is the negation of
political democracy and popular sovereignty, since the people repudiate the
capitalist parties responsible for the national debacle and the massacre. In
order to confront the perspective of a coup it is necessary to struggle for the
trial and punishment of those responsible for the repression, for the
dissolution of the praetorian guard and the arming of the exploited, creating
workers and peasants militias.
Mesa
intends to use the call for a referendum and for the Constituent Assembly in
order to recompose the authority of the capitalist government and to advance in
the surrender of Gas and the attack on the living conditions of the people. The
announcements of the call for the Constituent are a desperate maneuver in the
face of the danger of a new people's uprising. We denounce the impotent and
anti-democratic character of a Constituent not holding power and limited to the
drawing up of a new Constitution, and its condition of counterrevolutionary
maneuver. A sovereign and revolutionary Constituent will only be able to be
convened by a workers and peasants government.
In
opposition to all these proposals seeking to assure the continuation of the
capitalist government, it is necessary to raise a democratic demand as a
transitional slogan towards the workers and peasants government: Out with Mesa,
the parliament and the judges of the bourgeoisie. Dissolution of the armed
forces and repressive bodies, and their substitution by workers and peasants
militia. For a Constituent Assembly holding power, convened by the people's
organizations on the basis of a program of transitional demands. For a workers
and peasants government.
The
building of the party
The
Congress proposes the launching of a campaign for the building of a workers
party, addressing the workers vanguard and the youth, in order to struggle for a
workers and peasants government, on the basis of the characterizations of Mesa's
government and of the counterrevolutionary role of the center-left, and the
program of transitional demands. The campaign should raise the objective of a
conference or Congress of the workers party, and seek to involve diverse sectors
of the workers and students movements in this debate and in the building of the
revolutionary party.
The
development of this campaign and the construction of the party can only take
place upon the foundation of the regular publication of the press of our
Bolivian section, in order to systematically develop our program in relation to
the evolution of the political situation, and in order to turn the journal into
a tool for political deliberation among the vanguard. In this way our section
will gain political authority and will penetrate new sectors of the working
class and the exploited, and will be able to unite the best elements of the
workers vanguard.
The
Secretariat is recommended to support the efforts of the comrades of the O.T. by
sending a cadre, in order to put this resolution into effect.
Submitted
by: Cesar Uscamayta (Oposición Trotskista, Bolivia) - Rafael Fernández (Partido
de los Trabajadores, Uruguay)